Thursday, July 31, 2008

ESTRADA DOCTRINE

Estrada Doctrine
  • is the name of Mexico's core Foreign Policy ideal from 1930 to 2000. Its name derives from Genaro Estrada, Secretary of Foreign Affairs during the Presidency of Pascual Ortiz Rubio.
  • The Estrada Doctrine favored an enclosed view of sovereignty. It claimed that foreign governments should not judge, for good or bad, governments or changes in governments in other nations, because it would imply a breach to its sovereignty.

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Estrada_Doctrine

  • is a development on the earlier recognition of governments approach whereby a government would recognize another governments. This caused political problems following an unconstitutional change in the government of another state.
  • policy of recognizing states rather than governments. It is an alternative to the method of express recognition, in which an express statement is made according or withholding recognition after each unconstitutional change of government, and tacit recognition in which, only under exceptional circumstances, is a recognition statement made.

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Recognition_of_states_approach

  • Mexican government declared that it would, as it saw fit, continue to terminate its relations with any country in which a political upheaval had taken place " and in so doing it does not pronounce judgement, either precipitately or a posteriori, regarding the right of foreign nations to accept, maintain or replace their governments or authorities"

(Cruz, International Law, 2003 edition)

STIMSON DOCTRINE

Stimson Doctrine
  • The principles of this doctrine were also used in the U.S. Under Secretary of State Sumner Welles's declaration of July 23, 1940, on the non-recognition policy of the Soviet annexation and incorporation of three Baltic countriesEstonia, Latvia, and Lithuania. These principles were still applied until the de facto restoration of independence of these three Baltic nations in August 1991.

The Japanese invasion of Manchuria in late 1931 placed U.S. Secretary of State Henry L. Stimson in a difficult position. It was evident that appeals to the spirit of the Kellogg-Briand Pact had no impact on either the Chinese or the Japanese, and the secretary was further hampered by President Hoover’s clear indication that he would not support economic sanctions as a means to bring peace in the Far East.
On January 7, 1932, Secretary Stimson sent identical notes to China and Japan that incorporated a diplomatic approach used by earlier secretaries facing crises in the Far East. Later known as the Stimson Doctrine, or sometimes the Hoover-Stimson Doctrine, the notes read in part as follows:

[T]he American Government deems it to be its duty to notify both the Imperial Japanese Government and the Government of the Chinese Republic that it cannot admit the legality of any situation de facto nor does it intend to recognize any treaty or agreement entered into between those Governments, or agents thereof, which may impair the treaty rights of the United States or its citizens in China, including those which relate to the sovereignty, the independence, or the territorial and administrative integrity of the Republic of China, or to the international policy relative to China, commonly known as the open door policy….


Stimson had stated that the United States would not recognize any changes made in China that would curtail American treaty rights in the area and that the "open door" must be maintained. The Japanese, however, were not dissuaded by non-recognition and continued their aggression, confident that the U.S. would not take stronger action because of the heavy economic restrictions of the Depression.


http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Stimson_Doctrine

TOBAR DOCTRINE

Tobar Doctrine
  • Grew out of the treaties written among the Central American republics in 1907 and renewed in 1923. Designed to discourage revolutions, these provided that the parties "shall not recognize any other Government which may come into power in any of the five Republics as a consequence of a coup d'etat, or of a revolution against the recognized Government, so long as the freely elected representatives of the people thereof have not constitutionally reorganized the country." They also disqualified the leaders of a coup d'tat from assuming the presidency or vice presidency.

  • The United States applied the doctrine to the revolutionary leader Federico Tinoco in Costa Rica in 1917, to Honduras in 1924, and to the government of Emiliano Chamorro of Nicaragua in 1925, thereby giving extreme expression to Jefferson's "will of the nation substantially declared," perhaps out of fear that dictatorships and revolutionary governments posed a danger for international peace.

http://www.encyclopedia.com/doc/1G2-3402300130.html

Thursday, July 24, 2008

SECURITY COUNCIL DEMANDS SUDAN DISARM MILITIAS IN DARFUR

Security Council
5015th Meeting (AM)

SECURITY COUNCIL DEMANDS SUDAN DISARM MILITIAS IN DARFUR,
ADOPTING RESOLUTION 1556 (2004) BY VOTE OF 13–0–2

Requests Report in 30 Days on Progress,
With Intention to Take Further Action in Event of Non-Compliance


The Security Council today, acting under Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter, demanded that the Government of the Sudan disarm the Janjaweed militias, apprehend and bring to justice its leaders and their associates who had incited and carried out violations of human rights and international humanitarian law, as well as other atrocities in the country’s Darfur region.

Adopting resolution 1556 (2004) by 13 votes in favour to none against, with 2 abstentions (China, Pakistan), the Council further requested the Secretary-General to report in 30 days, and monthly thereafter, on the Government’s progress or otherwise on that matter and expressed its intention to consider further actions, including measures under Article 41 of the United Nations Charter, in the event of non-compliance.

[According to Article 41, the Security Council may decide what measures not involving the use of armed force are to be employed to give effect to its decisions, including complete or partial interruption of economic relations and of rail, sea, air, postal, telegraphic, radio, and other means of communication, and the severance of diplomatic relations.]

It called on the Government to fulfil immediately all the commitments made in the joint communiqué issued by itself and the Secretary-General on 3 July 2004, particularly by facilitating international relief for the humanitarian disaster by means of a moratorium on all restrictions that might hinder the provision of assistance and access to the affected populations. The Government would also advance the independent investigation, in cooperation with the United Nations, of human rights violations and international humanitarian law; establish credible security conditions for the protection of the civilian population and humanitarian actors; and resume political talks with dissident groups from Darfur, specifically the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM) and the Sudan Liberation Movement and the Sudan Liberation Army (SLM/A).

The Council decided that all States would take the necessary measures to prevent the sale or supply to all non-governmental entities and individuals, including the Janjaweed, operating in North, South and West Darfur by their nationals or from their territories or using their flag vessels or aircraft and related materials of all types, including weapons and ammunition, military vehicles and equipment, paramilitary equipment and spare parts, whether or not originating in their territories.

However, the Council decided, those measures would not apply to supplies and related technical training and assistance to monitoring, verification or peace support operations; supplies of non-lethal military equipment intended solely for humanitarian and human rights monitoring or protective use; and protective clothing, including flak jackets and military helmets, for the personal use of United Nations personnel, human rights monitors, media representatives, as well as development workers and associated personnel.

Endorsing the deployment of international monitors, under the leadership of the African Union, to Darfur, the Council urged the international community to support those efforts. It welcomed the progress made in deploying monitors, and stressed the need for the Government of Sudan and all involved parties to facilitate their work in accordance with the N’Djamena Ceasefire Agreement of 8 April 2004, and with the Addis Ababa agreement of 28 May 2004 on the modalities of establishing an observer mission to monitor the ceasefire.

The Council urged Member States to reinforce the international monitoring team by providing personnel and other assistance, including financing, supplies, transport, vehicles, command support, communications and headquarters support. It welcomed the contributions already made by the European Union and the United States to support the African Union-led operation.

Urging the parties to the N’Djamena Ceasefire Agreement to conclude a political agreement without delay, the Council noted with regret the failure of senior rebel leaders to participate in the 15 July talks in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, describing it as unhelpful to the process. It called for renewed talks under the leadership of the African Union and its chief mediator, Hamid Algabid, to reach a political solution to the tensions in Darfur. In addition, the Council strongly urged rebel groups to respect the ceasefire, end the violence immediately and act in a positive and constructive manner to end the conflict.

Reiterating its support for the Naivasha Agreement signed by the Government of the Sudan and the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement, the Council looked forwards to its effective implementation and a peaceful, unified Sudan working in harmony with all other States for development.

Statements were made by the representatives of China, United States, United Kingdom, Algeria (also on behalf of Angola and Benin), Russian Federation, Germany, Spain, Brazil, France, Pakistan, Chile, Philippines and Romania.

In response to the text’s adoption, the representative of the Sudan said that as of yesterday, 4,812 police officers had been deployed in Darfur and 200 members of the Janjaweed militias had been arrested. Some of them had been sentenced to death. The Government had dispatched a high-level delegation to negotiate without preconditions, but the talks had collapsed, because the rebels had insisted on preconditions. When the Government had signed the joint communiqué, it had not thought that it would be used to punish the Sudan, regardless of whether it had implemented its commitments. The Government was fully aware that some activists in the United States administration had worked to foster the rebellion.

He said that the consultations on the resolution had shown a division in the Council between those members that wished to allow adequate time for the African Union’s efforts and those insisting on adopting the resolution irrespective of the decision taken by African leaders. To the latter group, the resolution had become an end in itself. It had been determined in the United States Congress, before it had been discussed in the Council. That Congress had decided that genocide and ethnic cleansing were taking place in Darfur, contrary to the judgement of the African Union Summit.

The meeting convened at 11:13 a.m. and adjourned at 12:40 p.m.

Background

The Security Council met this morning to consider the situation in the Darfur, Sudan, region.
On 12 May, in presidential statement S/PRST/2004/18, the Council expressed its deep concern at the continuing reports of large-scale violations of human rights and international humanitarian law in Darfur, including indiscriminate attacks on civilians, sexual violence, forced displacement and acts of violence, especially those with an ethnic dimension, and demanded that those responsible be held accountable.

The Council, while welcoming the ceasefire agreement of 8 April, emphasized the urgent need for all parties to observe it and to take immediate steps to end the violence. It called on the Government of the Sudan to respect its commitments to ensure that the Janjaweed militias were neutralized and disarmed. (See Press Release SC/8104 of 25 May.)

On 11 June, the Council adopted resolution 1547 (2004) by which the Council welcomed Secretary-General Kofi Annan’s proposal to establish, for an initial period of three months and under the authority of a Special Representative, an advance team in the Sudan to prepare for a future United Nations peace-support operation following the signing of a comprehensive peace agreement.

Unanimously adopting resolution 1547 (2004), the Council declared its readiness to consider establishing such an operation to aid implementation of a peace agreement, and requested the Secretary-General to submit to the Council recommendations for the size, structure, and mandate of that operation, as soon as possible after the signing of the agreement.

In addition, the Council called on the parties to use their influence to bring an immediate halt to the fighting in the Darfur region, in the Upper Nile and elsewhere. It urged the parties to the Ndjamena Ceasefire Agreement of 8 April to conclude a political agreement without delay, welcomed African Union efforts to that end, and called on the international community to be prepared for constant engagement, including extensive funding, in support of peace in the Sudan.
Statement before Vote

ZHANG YISHAN (China) said that the humanitarian situation in the Sudan called for speedy relief followed by political negotiations for a comprehensive agreement at the earliest stage, while respecting the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the country. China welcomed the joint communiqué by the Government of the Sudan and the Secretary-General and hoped that the Sudan would honour its commitment to disarm the Janjaweed militia.
Expressing supported for the African Union’s leadership role, including its deployment of monitors and protection force, he stressed that the Government of the Sudan bore the primary responsibility to resolve the situation in Darfur. While the draft resolution had been amended, it still included references to measures that were not helpful and which could further complicate the situation. China would abstain in the voting.

Action
The Council then adopted resolution 1556 (2004) by a vote of 13 in favour to none against, with 2 abstentions (China, Pakistan).
Statements after Vote

Speaking after the vote, JOHN DANFORTH (United States), the resolution’s main sponsor, said that for years, a number of nations in Africa, Europe and North America had worked hard to encourage a peace process in the Sudan. They had hoped for a country that would be a model of ethnic reconciliation. They had anticipated helping the Sudan build its infrastructure, allowing it to develop its resources and agricultural potential.

“The last thing we wanted to do was lay the groundwork for sanctions, but the Government of Sudan has left us no choice”, he said. It had done the unthinkable: fostered an armed attack on its own civilian population. It had created a humanitarian disaster. “So the resolution just adopted is our necessary response if we are to help save the people of Darfur.” The actions of the Sudanese Government and its Janjaweed proxies had led to 30,000 deaths since February 2003. They had caused more than 1 million people to flee their homes, some 200,000 having crossed the border into Chad. Perhaps 300,000 more people faced death by hunger and disease in the next six months.

“Even if the violence stopped today”, he said, “it would take 15 months before new crops could be raised and harvested.” The responsibility for this disaster lay squarely on the Sudanese Government. To suppress a rebel uprising begun in early 2003, the Government began a “campaign of terror” against innocent civilians. Government aircraft bombed villages and, exploiting an ancient rivalry between Arab African herdsmen and groups of largely black African farmers, armed the Janjaweed militia and unleashed them against black civilians.

He said that the Janjaweed followed the government aircraft, burning villages, destroying crops, murdering men and raping women. Indeed, rape had been a principle tactic of the Janjaweed. He added that the Sudanese Government’s tactics in Darfur had not been an isolated incident: in the late 1990s, it had also armed militias and encouraged them to attack civilians. “Some say that we should give the Government of Sudan some time before we pass this resolution”, he said. “The United States does not agree.”

Noting that it had been nearly four weeks since that Government had signed a joint communiqué with the Secretary-General on its commitment to take specific actions to address the situation in Darfur, he said it had kept none of those promises. He particularly noted the Sudanese Government’s failure to ensure that no militias were present in camps for internally displaced persons (IDPs); its failure to immediately disarm the Janjaweed; and its failure to rebuild the confidence of the people of Darfur.

Indeed, in the 27 days that had passed since the communiqué had been signed, if the World Heath Organization’s estimates were correct, some 11,000 people had died. And more were dying as the Government stonewalled the international community. “It is time to start the clock ticking on the Government of Sudan”, he said. The resolution called on the Government to do all in its power to facilitate humanitarian relief, and it endorsed the deployment of international monitors and a protection force, among other things.

He said that many people concerned about Darfur would say that the text did not go far enough, particularly that it did not refer to the atrocities in the region as genocide. Perhaps they were right, but it was important not to get bogged down over words, he said. It was essential that the Council act quickly and decisively and with unity. “We need to fix this humanitarian problem now.” The current resolution did explicitly condemn the acts of violence “with an ethnic dimension” in Darfur and anticipated sanctions against the Government if the regular monthly cycle of reporting revealed a lack of compliance.The point was to relieve the suffering of Darfur, not to punish the Sudan. The choice was now up to the Sudanese Government to take dramatic action to resolve the situation because the Council’s attention would not be fleeting. The text ensured that the situation in Darfur would be back before the Council -- and the world -- next month and the month after that, for as long as it took to ensure that the people of Darfur would live in peace.

EMYR JONES PARRY (United Kingdom) said that with large numbers of people facing starvation and oppression, the crisis in Darfur was dire. For months, the United Nations family, the African Union and others had been mobilizing resources and attention to avert the humanitarian and security catastrophe that had been emerging. The resolution just adopted was a further step forward. It built on some positive actions that had taken place, but underscored the need of the Sudanese Government to implement all the commitments it had made to the Secretary-General on 3 July, including the most basic obligation any government had to its own people -- to protect them. So far, the Sudanese Government had failed to do that.

But the rebels also bore their share of responsibility for the present crisis, he continued, noting that the resolution also demanded that they also meet their obligations, and without pre-condition, to engage in peace talks and to move to resolve the conflict. The resolution also supported the positive involvement of the African Union on the ground and emphasized the need for the international community to provide humanitarian assistance.

He stressed that there had been progress elsewhere in the Sudan, and the United Kingdom looked forward to the successful completion of the Naivasha process. The current resolution signalled a willingness to support that agreement, and, as necessary, deploy a peace support operation. But a solution in Darfur was a necessary condition for that support. The international community wanted to work with the Sudanese Government; that would be much more preferable to compulsion and sanctions, he added.

But the message to the Government and the rebels must be clear and firm: if commitments and obligations were not met, if peace talks were not entered into constructively and in good faith, and if the intimidation and atrocities did not end, then the Council, when it reviewed progress next month, would be considering measures as provided for in Article 41 of the Charter. The adoption of the text underlined the Council’s commitment to ensure that governments fulfil that most basic of obligations, the duty to protect their own citizens, he reiterated.

BDALLAH BAALI (Algeria), speaking also on behalf of the Council’s other African members -- Angola and Benin -- expressed satisfaction that the resolution on the situation in Darfur had been adopted, following weeks of “arduous and delicate” negotiations. Algeria, Angola and Benin had supported the resolution because they believed that the international community could not remain passive and indifferent to the humanitarian crisis unfolding in Darfur or to the horrendous crimes being committed against the civilian populations.

Moreover, as Africans, the Council members believed that whenever there was a conflict in Africa they, more than anyone else, had a special duty and responsibility towards their sisters and brothers who were suffering. That was why the African Union had acted so promptly and so decisively, he added. And while his delegation fully understood the need for the wider Council to assume its obligations under the Charter, there was nevertheless a need to make sure that its actions supported and complimented the efforts of the African Union, which had taken the lead “with courage and determination” in addressing the situation in Darfur.

To that end, he was satisfied that the resolution contained strong and unequivocal support for and endorsement of the African Union’s leadership role and the various dimensions of its engagement in Darfur, including humanitarian, military and political, with the deployment of monitors and a protection force. He added that the resolution also supported the possibility of the African Union creating a full-fledged peacekeeping operation and it’s sponsoring of talks between the Sudanese Government and rebel groups.

He said the Council’s African members were particularly satisfied that the resolution had requested the Secretary-General to assist the African Union with planning and assessment for its mission in Darfur, and that it had requested Member States to provide assistance as needed for the African Union’s monitoring operations and to contribute generously to the relevant United Nations appeals to help mitigate the humanitarian catastrophe in Darfur. They were also satisfied that the Council had chosen to keep the Sudanese Government engaged with a monthly review process following up the 3 July joint communiqué.

By the time of the next review, they hoped the situation on the ground would be greatly improved and humanitarian assistance would be reaching all internally displaced persons. They further hoped that significant progress would be made in the political peace process and in establishing credible security conditions for civilians and humanitarian actors, and in disarming the Janjaweed militias and bringing their leaders to justice. To that end, he emphasized that it was then and only then that the Council could consider whether or not it would envisage other measures.

ANDREI DENISOV (Russian Federation) said the humanitarian and political situation in Darfur remained complex. Large-scale violations of human rights were continuing. Units of Janjaweed and other groups were attacking the civilian population, killing and plundering. The situation of internally displaced persons in Darfur itself and of Sudanese refugees in neighbouring Chad was dire. “That violence must be terminated”, he said.

In Khartoum, there was awareness of the need to redress the situation, he continued. Now, there was also a need for increasing humanitarian assistance and ensuring security for the population and humanitarian personnel. Primary responsibility for that rested in Khartoum, but was also shared by the armed opposition. He underlined the important role of the African Union’s efforts in the region, efforts that deserved the vigorous support of the United Nations. Everything should be done to find a political solution. The Council could not remain passive. He hoped the Council was sending a clear signal to the Government of the Sudan and the rebels regarding the need to implement quickly the commitments made, including disarming armed groups.

GUNTER PLEUGER (Germany), noting that the Council’s signal to Khartoum was unambiguous, said the Government of the Sudan had been given the chance to demonstrate clearly that it was making progress in disarming the Janjaweed militia and would bring the perpetrators of atrocities to justice. It was hoped that the Government would take more forceful action to abide by the benchmarks laid out in the 3 July joint communiqué. The Government of the Sudan was responsible for the safety and security of all 1.5 million people who were at risk in Darfur and for ensuring that they received humanitarian assistance. The African Union’s role was an important development, and Germany wished to maintain and develop a close relationship with that organization.

He said that a variety of mechanisms had a role in monitoring the human rights situation, some of which were already in place and others that were not. Germany had recently called for the establishment of an independent commission of inquiry into the abuses in Darfur. While the Council had been deliberating, the killing and suffering in the province had continued. The Government of the Sudan must carry out its sacred obligation to protect its citizens. The goal was to stop the suffering and killing of innocent civilians, and Germany expected the Government, as well as the rebels, to fulfill their obligations.

IÑIGO DE PALACIO (Spain) said the gravity of the situation in Darfur called for a clear and urgent response by the Council. The adopted text fulfilled those requirements. The resolution, in a balanced manner, placed before the Sudan Government its responsibilities derived from its commitments expressed in the joint communiqué. The Council must ensure that the Government comply with its commitments. He stressed that the measures mentioned in the resolution were also directed at the Janjaweed and the rebels. The resolution highlighted the leadership role of the African Union in the region, thereby stressing the regional approach.

The Council must continue to support the African Union in its efforts. It was a valuable opportunity to strengthen their cooperation for maintenance of peace and security. He expressed concern about violations of human rights and humanitarian law in Darfur. Those acts must not remain unpunished, he said, and the Council must ensure that those responsible were brought to justice.

RONALDO MOTA SARDENBERG (Brazil) said the resolution spoke of decisions to be taken in due time to promote peace and security and alleviate the suffering of the people in Darfur. The decisions would address all factors of a complex crisis. The first response must be an increase of humanitarian support. The decisions should further stimulate the parties to fully comply with their commitments.

He said security was a major issue. The fulfilment of the provisions of the ceasefire agreement signed in N'Djamena was an absolute need, as was the need to rein in the Janjaweed and other outlaw groups. There would be no impunity and the guilty would be brought to justice. The resolution highlighted condemnation of all acts of violence by the parties and emphasized the responsibility of the Government of the Sudan. It also underlined the crucial role of the African Union. He regretted, however, that the resolution did not add vigour by acting under Chapter VII, which, in his opinion, it had not done. The reference to Article 41 was a compromise.

JEAN-MARC DE LA SABLIERE (France) said that, while the resolution exerted strong pressure on the Government of the Sudan, its only concern was the plight of suffering civilians in Darfur and the Government’s responsibility to protect them. The international community could not remain on the sidelines.

He said the Government of the Sudan had made commitments to the Secretary-General regarding humanitarian assistance, as well as security concerns, particularly the disarming of the Janjaweed militia and the arrest of its leaders and their associates. It was also essential that the rebel groups respect the ceasefire and engage in unconditional peace negotiations. A humanitarian disaster was possible, although the worst had been avoided due to the outstanding work done by non-governmental organizations. France was grateful that the African Union had supported the pivotal resolution.

MASOOD KHALID (Pakistan) said the people and Government of Pakistan were as concerned as other members of the international community. All those suffering in Darfur were part of the Islamic umma. The joint communiqué of 3 July clearly delineated the commitments and obligations of the Government, whose cooperation was critical for the joint objective of saving human life in Darfur. The Council must encourage that cooperation, rather than complicate it.

He said his country had consistently counselled a calibrated approach to the situation in Darfur. While Pakistan appreciated the amendments made to the resolution, the final text lacked the necessary balance. It was regrettable that compromise had not been possible and Pakistan could, therefore, not support the text. It was hoped that the Council would not need to take further measures. Pakistan looked forward to the Secretary-General’s report in 30 days.

ARMIN E. ANDEREYA (Chile) said the international community had addressed persistent appeals to the Government of the Sudan to apply law and order in the Darfur region and bring to justice those responsible for crimes committed there. His country had co-sponsored the resolution out of the conviction that it was not possible to continue to hope for action by Sudanese authorities while violations of human rights continued. He hoped the Government of the Sudan would follow up with compliance within the timetable set and would restore order and consequently peace in the region.

LAURO L. BAJA (Philippines) said he had voted for the resolution in response to the humanitarian crisis. Whether what happened in Darfur was genocide or ethnic cleansing should not be a question. The fact was that people were dying, and that there was destruction and plundering and that the international community must stop the catastrophe. If a State was unable or unwilling to stop violations of human rights, the international community had the responsibility to help the State do so, until it had the will or the capacity. He had voted for the resolution in that context. He hoped that after 30 days there would be no reason to implement Article 41 of the Charter, because the Sudan by then would have complied with its commitments.

Council President MIHNEA MOTOC (Romania), speaking in his national capacity, said the action taken this morning bound together different nations and organizations in an effective response to the situation in Darfur, the first humanitarian crisis of the new century. It engaged the Government of the Sudan in ensuring that it lived up to its commitments. Romania hoped that the Council would constantly review the situation on the ground and called upon all parties concerned to live up to their responsibilities.

Noting that his country’s Foreign Minister would be in Khartoum and Darfur tomorrow, he said the situation was not an abstract matter for Romania, which cared for the Sudan and its people and was putting together a package of humanitarian assistance. The thematic debate that Romania had proposed on 20 July regarding cooperation between the United Nations and regional organizations addressed issues that surpassed the realm of theory.

ELFATIH MOHAMED AHMED ERWA (Sudan) said he was overwhelmed with sadness at the Council’s hasty adoption of the resolution at a time when the Government of the Sudan was racing against time to implement its agreement with the United Nations. The military rebellion in Darfur, which had started in February last year, had occurred at a strange time that raised many questions since, the Government had been on the verge of achieving an end to the Naivasha negotiations and ending Africa’s longest-running civil war. The rebellion had destroyed peaceful coexistence in Darfur, precipitating a humanitarian crisis.

Emphasizing that peace was indivisible, he said the Government had sought to deal with the rebellion through serious dialogue with the international community and had engaged in a constructive effort in good faith with the United Nations, as well as bilaterally with members of the international community. All those efforts were included in the joint communiqué, which outlined a plan of action to solve the crisis. The Government had entered into obligations covering humanitarian, security and political issues. It had implemented all obligations regarding the issuance of visas for humanitarian workers. Its second obligation, relating to human rights, aimed at ending impunity and bringing to justice the perpetrators of atrocities, as well as allowing women to file lawsuits against those who had raped them. The Government had received complaints and established an independent investigation commission into human rights violations. Observers from the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights were presently in the Sudan.

He said, as of yesterday, 4,812 police officers were deployed in Darfur and 200 member of the Janjaweed had been arrested, with some of them having received the death sentence.
As the joint communiqué had demanded that the Government resume political negotiations, the Government had dispatched a high-level delegation to negotiate, without preconditions. The talks had, however, collapsed before they started, because the rebels had insisted on certain preconditions.

He said when his Government had signed the joint communiqué in good faith, it had not occurred to it that the joint communiqué would be utilized to punish the Government, whether or not it had implemented its commitments. Would the Sudan have been safe from the Council even if there was no crisis in Darfur? Was the crisis a Trojan Horse? The Government was fully aware that some activists in the United States administration had worked to foster the rebellion. It had sound recordings of talks between rebel leaders and United States officials.

The resolution had been determined by the United States Congress, before it had been discussed in the Council, he said. That Congress had decided that there was genocide and ethnic cleansing, contrary to what had been judged by the Summit of the African Union.

While the resolution claimed to support efforts of the African Union, it hijacked the issue of Darfur from the African Union, he said. The nuances of the situation on the ground had not been taken into account. At a time when the African Union was seeking a solution to the problem, the Council had acted in haste to undermine the position of his Government. That revealed flagrant ignorance of the facts on the ground.

Despite all that, his Government would comply with the provisions of the resolution, would continue its efforts to mitigate the suffering in Darfur and restore stability, and would double its efforts to ensure a peaceful settlement of the problem, he said.

MONTEVIDEO CONVENTION

The Montevideo Convention on the Rights and Duties of States was a treaty (which was later accepted as part of customary international law) signed at Montevideo, Uruguay, on December 26, 1933, at the Seventh International Conference of American States. At this conference, United States President Franklin D. Roosevelt and Secretary of State Cordell Hull declared the so-called Good Neighbor Policy, which opposed U.S. armed intervention in inter-American affairs. This was a diplomatic attempt by Franklin D. Roosevelt to reverse the perception of "Yankee imperialism," brought about by policies instituted (largely) by his predecessor, President Herbert Hoover. The convention was signed by 19 states, three with reservations (Brazil, Peru and the United States).
The convention sets out the definition, rights and duties of statehood. Most well-known is article 1, which sets out the four criteria for statehood that have sometimes been recognized as an accurate statement of customary international law:

The state as a person of international law should possess the following qualifications: (a) a permanent population; (b) a defined territory; (c) government; and (d) capacity to enter into relations with the other states.

Furthermore, the first sentence of article 3 explicitly states that "The political existence of the state is independent of recognition by the other states." This is known as the declarative theory of statehood.

Some have questioned whether these criteria are sufficient, as they allow less-recognized entities like the Republic of China (Taiwan) or even entirely non-recognized entities like the Principality of Sealand to claim full status as states. According to the alternative constitutive theory of statehood, a state exists only insofar as it is recognized by other states. It should not be confused with the Estrada doctrine.

There have also been attempts to further broaden the convention's definition, although they have gained less support. Founders of non-territorial micronations commonly assert that the requirement in the Montevideo Convention of a defined territory is in some way wrong-headed, for largely unspecified reasons. Some non-territorial entities, notably the Sovereign Military Order of Malta, are indeed considered subjects of international law, but these do not aspire to statehood.


Signatories

The states that signed this convention are:
Honduras, United States of America, El Salvador, Dominican Republic, Haiti, Argentina, Venezuela, Uruguay, Paraguay, Mexico, Panama, Guatemala, Brazil, Ecuador, Nicaragua, Colombia, Chile, Peru, Cuba[2]. However, as a restatement of customary international law, the Montevideo Convention merely codified existing legal norms and its principles and therefore does not apply merely to the signatories, but to all subjects of international law as a whole.

The European Union, in the principal statement of its Badinter Committee,[4] follows the Montevideo Convention in its definition of a state: by having a territory, a population, and a political authority. The committee also found that the existence of states was a question of fact, while the recognition by other states was purely declaratory and not a determinative factor of statehood.

Switzerland, although not a member of the European Union, adheres to the same principle, stating that "neither a political unit needs to be recognized to become a state, nor does a state have the obligation to recognize another one. At the same time, neither recognition is enough to create a state, nor does its absence abolish it."
SOURCE

Arab Militiamen in Sudan Said to Use Rape as Weapon of Ethnic Cleansing

It was not an isolated incident, according to human rights officials and aid workers in this region of western Sudan, where 1.2 million Africans have been driven from their lands by government-backed Arab militias, tribal fighters known as Janjaweed.

Interviews with two dozen women at camps, schools and health centers in two provincial capitals in Darfur yielded consistent reports that the Janjaweed were carrying out waves of attacks targeting African women. The victims and others said the rapes seemed to be a systematic campaign to humiliate the women, their husbands and fathers, and to weaken tribal ethnic lines. In Sudan, as in many Arab cultures, a child's ethnicity is attached to the ethnicity of the father.

"The pattern is so clear because they are doing it in such a massive way and always saying the same thing," said an international aid worker who is involved in health care. She and other international aid officials spoke on condition of anonymity, saying they feared reprisals or delays of permits that might hamper their operations.

She showed a list of victims from Rokero, a town outside of Jebel Marra in central Darfur where 400 women said they were raped by the Janjaweed. "It's systematic," the aid worker said. "Everyone knows how the father carries the lineage in the culture. They want more Arab babies to take the land. The scary thing is that I don't think we realize the extent of how widespread this is yet."

Another international aid worker, a high-ranking official, said: "These rapes are built on tribal tensions and orchestrated to create a dynamic where the African tribal groups are destroyed. It's hard to believe that they tell them they want to make Arab babies, but it's true. It's systematic, and these cases are what made me believe that it is part of ethnic cleansing and that they are doing it in a massive way."

Secretary of State Colin L. Powell flew to the capital, Khartoum, on Tuesday to pressure the government to take steps to ease the humanitarian crisis in Darfur. U.S. officials said Powell may threaten to seek action by the United Nations if the Sudanese government blocks aid and continues supporting the Janjaweed. U.N. Secretary General Kofi Annan is due to arrive on Khartoum this week.

The crisis in Darfur is a result of long-simmering ethnic tensions between nomadic cattle and camel herders, who view themselves as Arabs, and the more sedentary farmers, who see their ancestry as African. In February 2003, activists from three of Darfur's African tribes started a rebellion against the government, which is dominated by an Arab elite.

Riding on horseback and camel, the Janjaweed, many of them teenagers or young adults, burned villages, stole and destroyed grain supplies and animals and raped women, according to refugees and U.N. and human rights investigators. The government used helicopter gunships and aging Russian planes to bomb the area, the U.N. and human rights representatives said. The U.S. government has said it is investigating the killings of an estimated 30,000 people in Darfur and the displacement of the more than 1 million people from their tribal lands to determine whether the violence should be classified as genocide.

The New York-based organization Human Rights Watch said in a June 22 report that it investigated "the use of rape by both Janjaweed and Sudanese soldiers against women from the three African ethnic groups targeted in the 'ethnic cleansing' campaign in Darfur." It added, "The rapes are often accompanied by dehumanizing epithets, stressing the ethnic nature of the joint government-Janjaweed campaign. The rapists use the terms 'slaves' and 'black slaves' to refer to the women, who are mostly from the Fur, Masalit and Zaghawa ethnic groups."

Despite a stigma among tribal groups in Sudan against talking about rape, Darfur elders have been allowing and even encouraging their daughters to speak out because of the frequency of the attacks.

SUDAN CRISIS


What Is the Situation in Sudan?

An increasingly dire situation in Darfur in western Sudan has devolved into the worst humanitarian crisis in the world, according to international observers and the U.S. State Department. A
State Department report issued Sept. 9 says that 1.2 million people have been displaced from their homes in Sudan while at least 200,000 have fled to neighboring Chad. As many as 405 villages have been destroyed and and more than 100 others significantly damaged. The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees reports at least 50,000 people have died as a result of the conflict between government-backed Arab militias and Africans in western Sudan.


Living conditions in the region threaten hundreds of thousands of people. The U.N. World Food Program delivered food to nearly one million people in Darfur in August, falling short of its goal of 1.2 million people. If the situation persists, the U.S. Agency for International Development estimates that at least 350,000 people will die of disease and malnutrition by the end of the year.


How Did This Happen?


Tensions between Arabs and Africans competing for scarce natural resources in Darfur first surfaced during the 1970s. In February 2003, rebel groups of African Muslims, fed up with chronic inequalities between Africans and the ruling Arab elite (who are also Muslim), struck out against the Khartoum government. The government responded by arming local militias to crack down on mainly three ethnic groups: the Fur, Masalit and Zaghawa.


The government-backed groups, known as "Janjaweed," terrorize Africans, destroying villages, killing and maiming men, ransacking food supplies and blocking international assistance. The Washington Post’s Emily Wax reports that the Janjaweed also carry out systematic campaigns of rape against African women in an attempt to humiliate the women and their families and weaken tribal ethnic lines. Human rights groups say the government, by funding the Janjaweed militants, is carrying out an ethnic cleansing campaign.


A U.N. report accuses local government leaders of instituting a policy of "forced starvation" that simultaneously has government officials denying problems with food distribution while militias prevent food delivery. Aid workers and journalists have been kept from visiting some affected areas since government-backed militias have blocked access to 31 of the approximately 130 camps in Darfur.



What Is the International Community Doing?

Secretary of State Colin Powell said on Sept. 9 that the situation in Darfur constitutes “genocide” by the Sudanese government and Arab militias. Powell, who visited Sudan in early July, said the State Department came to its conclusion after interviews with refugees revealed "consistent and widespread pattern of atrocities committed against non-Arab villagers." His comments, made before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, came a day after the United States circulated a draft U.N. resolution calling for a stronger international security force in Darfur. The House and Senate passed resolutions in July calling the situation in Darfur "genocide" and urged President Bush to seek a U.N. protection force.


The 1948 U.N. Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide requires signatories, including the United States, to prevent and punish genocide. Some in the U.S. government argued that the explicit use of the word genocide might alienate the Sudanese government and limit the United States’s ability to pressure leaders to stop the Janjaweed. Human rights officials counter that the U.S. declaration will draw attention to the crisis and prompt action by the U.N. Security Council.


The Security Council passed a resolution on July 30, after much negotiation, threatening to consider sanctions against Sudan if it failed within 30 days to apprehend and prosecute the Janjaweed. Sanctions against the North African country’s oil industry are also under consideration. It remains to be seen when the Security Council will take up the new U.S.-proposed resolution. U.N. Secretary General Kofi Annan visited Darfur in early July and appealed to U.N. member nations to provide more financial support to U.N. humanitarian efforts in the region.



How Does This Relate to Sudan’s Civil War?


Sudan has been wracked by a 21-year civil war between the Arab Muslims in the north, who dominate the government, and black Africans in the south, represented by the Sudanese People’s Liberation Army, who are mostly animist or Christian. More than 2 million people have been killed, mostly due to starvation. A U.S.-backed peace deal, signed in May in Naivasha, Kenya, paved the way for a power-sharing agreement designed to end the continent’s longest-running civil war.




http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/articles/A20765-2004Jul1.html

Sunday, July 13, 2008

Treaty of Paris

Article 3 of the Treaty of Paris of December 10, 1898 defines the metes and bounds of the archipelago by longitude and latitude, degrees and seconds. Technical descriptions are made of the scope of the archipelago as in this may be found on the surface of the earth.



ARTICLE III



Spain cedes to the United States the archipelago known as the Philippines Islands, and comprehending the islands lying within the following line:


A line running from west to east along or near the twentieth parallel of north latitude, and through the middle of the navigable channel of Bacchi, from the one hundred and eighteenth to the one hundred and eighteenth to the one hundred and twenty-seventh degree meridian of longitude east of Greenwich, thence along the parallel and forty-five minutes north latitude to its intersection with the meridian of longitude one hundred and nineteen degrees and thirty-five minutes east of Greenwich to the parallel of latitude seven degrees and forty minutes north to its intersection with the one hundred and sixteenth degree meridian of longitude east of Greenwich, and thence along the one hundred and eighteenth degree meridian of longitude east of Greenwich to the point of beginning.


The United States will pay to Spain the sum of twenty million dollars, within three months after the exchange of the ratifications of the present treaty.



http://www.msc.edu.ph/centennial/treaty1898.html

Philippine Archipelago

To understand the extent of the territorial sea one must begin with the understanding of baselines. The baseline is the “low-water line along the coast as marked on a large scale charts officially recognized by the coastal state”.



There are two ways of drawing base line. The “normal baseline” is one drawn following the low-water line along the coast as marked on a large scale charts officially recognized by the coastal state. Archipelagic States, however, instead of following the normal baseline, have drawn “straight baseline”. Instead of following the sinuosities of the coast, straight lines are drawn connecting selected points on the coast without appreciable departure from general shape of coast.



Straight baseline method refers to imaginary straight lines are drawn joining the outermost points of outermost islands of the archipelago, enclosing an area the ratio of which should not be more than 9:1 (water to land); provided that the drawing of baselines shall not depart, to any appreciable extent, from the general configuration of the archipelago. The waters within the baselines shall be considered internal waters; while the breadth of the territorial sea shall then be measured from the baselines.



Archipelagic Water


Article 1 of the 1987 Constitution said: “The waters around, between, and connecting the islands of the archipelago, regardless of their breadth and dimensions, form part of the internal waters of the Philippines.” This assertion, together with the “straight baseline method” form the Archipelagic Doctrine.


Internal water refers to water within the baseline


Territorial sea means water outside the baseline extending up to 12 miles.


Contiguous Zone is the zone contiguous to territorial sea but it may not extend beyond 24 nautical miles from the baselines from which the breath of the territorial sea is measured.


Exclusive Economic Zone which extend to a distance of 200 nautical miles beyond and from the baselines from which the territorial sea is measured.


Legal status of the territorial sea, of the air space over the territorial sea and of its bed and subsoil.

1. The sovereignty of a coastal State extends, beyond its land territory and internal waters and, in the case of an archipelagic State, its archipelagic waters, to an adjacent belt of sea, described as the territorial sea.

2. This sovereignty extends to the air space over the territorial sea as well as to its bed and subsoil.

3. The sovereignty over the territorial sea is exercised subject to this Convention and to other rules of international law. ( Part II, Art. II, Section 1 of the UN Convention on the Law of The Sea)


http://www.un.org/Depts/los/index.htm

Bernas, The 1987 Philippine Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines ( 2003 edition)

Philippine National Territory

Article 1 of the 1987 Constitution

National Territory

The national territory comprises the Philippine archipelago, with all the islands and waters embraced therein, and all other territories over which the Philippines has sovereignty or jurisdiction, consisting of its terrestrial, fluvial, and aerial domains, including its territorial sea, the seabed, the subsoil, the insular shelves, and other submarine areas. The waters around, between, and connecting the islands of the archipelago, regardless of their breadth and dimensions, form part of the internal waters of the Philippines.

Sunday, July 6, 2008

ORGANS OF UNITED NATIONS





The General Assembly

- is the most representative of the United Nations.



Members:

- All members of the Organization, each of which is entitled to send not more than five representatives and five alternates as well as technical staff as it may need.


Session:

- Regular annual session – beginning on the third Tuesday of September

- Special session

o At all of the majority of its members

o At the request of the Security Council



Voting:

There must be a determination of whether the question is important or not. This matter is decided by a majority of those present and voting.

- Important questions- taken by two thirds of those present and voting

- Not important questions / all other matters- decided by majority of those present and voting



Functions:


- Deliberative

Initiating studies and making recommendations toward the progressive development of international law and its codification and recommending measures for the peaceful adjustment of any situation which it deems likely to impair the general welfare or friendly relation among nations.

- Supervisory

Receiving and considering annual and special reports from the other organs of the United Nations, making recommendations for the coordination of their various functions and approving trusteeship arrangements in non-strategic areas.

- Financial

Consideration and approval of the budget of the Organization, the apportionment of expenses among its members and approval of financial arrangements with the specialized agencies.

- Elective

Election of the non-permanent members of the Security Council, all the members of the Economic and Social Council, and some of the members of the Trusteeship Council, as well as, in concurrence with the Security Council, the Secretary-General and the Judges of the International Court of Justice.

- Constituent

Admission of members and the amendment of the Charter of the United Nations.






Security Council

- the key organ of the United Nations in the maintenance of the international peace and security.




Members:


- 5 permanent members (the Big Five)

-China

- France

- United Kingdom

- Russia

- United States

*permanent members was given preferred position because of the feeling that they were states that, in view of their prestige and power, would provide leadership and physical force that might be needed to preserve the peace of the world



- 10 non-permanent members

- 5 from African and Asian states

- 2 from Latin American states

- 2 from Western European and other states

- 1 from Eastern European states

* elected for 2 years

* not eligible for immediate re-election

*geographical distribution of the non-permanent members was recognition of the relative importance of the areas affected in the maintenance of international order.




Sessions:




Voting:

Governed by Yalta Formula which is incorporated in Article 27 of the Chater.

Each member shall have one vote but distinction must be made between procedural matters and substantive matters.

- Procedural matters- decided by the affirmative vote of at least 9 members

- Substantial matters- decided by the concurrence of at least 9 members, but including the Big Five

*No member, permanent or not, is allowed to vote on questions concerning the pacific settlement of a dispute to which it is a party.

*a permanent member can cast what is known as veto and thereby prevent agreement on a non-procedural question even if it is supported by all the other members of the Security Council.

*a permanent member may also exercise the so called double veto or the Rule of Great power Unanimity by means of which it can disapprove any proposal to consider a question merely procedural and thereafter vote against the question itself on the merits.




Functions:

- Pacific settlement of dispute or, when necessary, even preventive or enforcement action

LIMITATION: dispute must be international, that is, it must not be an internal dissension, such as civil war UNLESS the parties themselves submit the matters to the United Nation.

- Approves trusteeship agreement in strategic areas.

- Performs a number of voting and constituent functions such as those relating to the admission and discipline of the members of the United Nations.

- Election of judges of International Court of Justice and Secretary –General.

- Amendment of Charter of United Nations.









Economic and Social Council



Members:

- 54 members

*elected for three-year terms by General-Assembly.

*may be re-elected immediately.



Sessions:

- Regular session- as required in accordance with its rules

- Special session- at the request of a majority of its members

*members of the United Nations and representatives of the specialized agencies may be allowed to participate, without vote, in the deliberations of the Council.




Voting:

- Each member has one vote and decisions are reached by the majority of those present and voting.

- Members of the UN and representatives of the specialized agencies may be allowed to participate but cannot vote in the deliberations of the Council.





Function:

- Responsibility for the promotion of international economic and social cooperation is vested in the General Assembly and, under its authority, the Economic and Social Council.

- It exert efforts toward:

o Higher standard of living, full employment, and conditions of economic and social progress and development.

o Solutions of international economic, social, health and related problems, and international, cultural and educational cooperation.

o Universal respect for, and observance of, human rights and fundamental freedoms for all without distinction as to race, sex, language or religion.

- Collaborates and may enter into agreements, subject to the approval of the General Assembly, with specialized agencies like the International Monetary Fund and the International Trade Commissions.

*in the performance of its duty, the organs like the Commissions on the Status of Women and the regional economic commissions for Europe, Asia and Far East, and Latin America.







International Court of Justice

- judicial organ of the United Nations.




Members:

- 15 judges

*elected by absolute majority vote in the General Assembly and the Security Council.

*QUALIFICATION:

- high moral character

- possesses the qualifications required in their respective countries for appointment to their highest judicial offices or are jurisconsults of recognized competence in international law.

*no two of them may be nationals of the same state. In event that more than one national of the same state obtain the required majorities, only the ELDEST shall be considered elected.

*having a term of nine years

*may be re-elected

*The court shall elect its President and Vice-President who shall serve for tree years and may be re-elected




Sessions:

- Shall permanently in session, at the Hugue or elsewhere EXCEPT during the judicial vacations and may meet either:

-en banc

-chambers- composed of three or more judges





Voting:

- All questions are decided by a majority of the judges present

QUORUM: 9 when the full Court is sitting.




Functions:

- Decide contentious cases

- Render advisory opinions






Secretariat

- chief administrative organ of the United Nations which is headed by Secretary-General



Secretary-General

- Chosen by the general assembly upon recommendation of the Security Council.

- His term is fixed at five years.

- May be re-elected.

- Highest representative of the United Nations and uthorized to act in its behalf.

- Entitled to full diplomatic emmunities and priviledges which only the Security Council may waive.

- Immunities and priviledges of other key-officials of the United Nations may be waived by him.



Functions:

-To bring the attention of the Security Council any matter which in his opinion may threaten international peace and security or he can personally mediate such matter upon authority of the Security Council.

-Act as secretary in all meetings of the General Assembly, Sicurity Council and the Trusteeship Council and perform any other duties as may be assigned to him by these organs.

-Prepares the budget of the United Nations for Submissions to the General Assembly.

-Provides technical facilities to the different organs of the Organization

-Coordinates its vast administrative machinery.

*Secretary-General and the members of his staff are international officers solely responsible to the Organization and are prohibited from seeking or receiving instruction from any government or any other authority external to the United Nations.






Trusteeship

- organ charged with the duty of assisting the Security Council and the General Assembly in the administration of the International trusteeship system.




Members:

- The members of the United Nations administering trust territories.

- Permanent members of the Security Council not administering trust territories.

- Many other members elected for three-year terms by General Assembly as maybe necessary to ensure that the total number of the members of the Trusteeship Council is divided equally between those members of the UN which administers trust territories and those which do not.




Sessions:

- Regular session as required with its rules

- Special session at the request of a majority of its members.




Voting:

- Each member has one vote and decisions are reached by a majority of those present and voting.




Functions:

- Consider reports submitted by the administering authorities.

- Accept petitions and examine them in consultation with the administering authorities

- Provide for periodic visits to the trust territories at times agreed upon with the administering authorities.

- Take such other actions in conformity with the terms of the questionnaire on the political, economic, social, and educational advancement of the inhabitants of the trust territories.